WHAT IS AT STAKE NOW

Mikhael Gorbachev and The Dalai Lama are both Nobel Peace Prize laureates and are two of the most prominent elder statesmen on the planet. We look to elders for sage advice, and to statesmen for their long political experience. Although there is a planetary group called the elders and founded by Nelson Mandela – the current president is Mary Robinson – we do not have such a world body in the traditional indigenous sense, which is akin to what Plato envisaged with his concept of philosopher kings acting from wisdom rather than personal interest. What we currently have is the United Nations and its various agencies, but these are substantially influenced by the great powers in their own interests and only supported when it suits them. As Catherine Austin Fitts points out in a recent webinar reviewed by more than 2 million people in the last two weeks, the planet is run by force and ultimately coordinated by a relatively small group of hugely wealthy individuals and corporations who have bought up politicians, governments and federal agencies. The operating system is one of domination, control, extraction and exploitation underpinned by neoliberalism and the ideology of economic growth leading inexorably towards the collapse of our sustaining ecosystems in a sixth mass extinction.

It is in this context that these two urgent appeals have been written, fundamentally calling into question our current values and priorities. Gorbachev subtitles his book 'my appeal for peace and freedom', and addresses our major political, economic and ecological challenges. Although we live in a globalised world, 'we have not yet understood it or learned how to get along together in it', nor have we learned the art of partnership and cooperation to a sufficient degree. The first part addresses our shared security in a context or gradual remilitarisation of thought and action, with an accompanying continual increase in military spending as well as the dismantling of the arms control system that he himself did so much to build up. The US is developing new and more flexible nuclear weapons in a spirit of rivalry, when, as a species, we should be focusing on the complete elimination not only of nuclear weapons but also of chemical and biological weapons. In this planetary context, it no longer makes sense to envisage a unipolar rather than multilateral world in which one country seeks 'full spectrum dominance' where the latest and most dangerous phase is space weapons, a race that China has also joined.

The idea of a one country hegemony is an illusion, as is the political philosophy that power is the ultimate value – a great power should be defined as great in its capacity to help others rather than to dominate them. Security is now indivisible and mutual, especially when this is extended to environmental security. John F. Kennedy (p. 17) realised this in a speech nearly 60 years ago, and the only way forward is through the building of trust, respect and subsequent negotiation to break the vicious cycle with a new form of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness). Countries should act as role models rather than retaining the option for a first nuclear strike and developing new forms of weaponry through IT and cybertechnology. Let there be an ethical rather than a military rivalry to see who can achieve the most for the common good. This may seem like wishful thinking to the political elite, but it represents a fervent aspiration on the part of ordinary people in their desire for peace. Working and acting together is now an imperative. Global interdependence calls for corresponding new forms of international corporation.

The second part is devoted to a discussion of globalisation and environmental challenges. Gorbachev argues for a social market economy rather than a neoliberal free market of competition, deregulation and privatisation of profit involving the socialisation of loss, leading in the process to massive inequality. For him, the state needs to be responsible and accountable to its citizens in order to retain their trust. As many other commentators have observed, our existing economic model is unsustainable, and we are running out of time to make the necessary changes. Gorbachev points out that the Earth Charter formulated some 20 years ago contains all the necessary environmental and political principles with respect to environmental protection, individual rights, eradicating poverty, affirming gender inequality and promoting a culture of peace. Why does this not form part of every national curriculum? As the Dalai Lama also advocates, the key principle is one of the universal responsibility, which must be applied to the development of new technologies within the framework of reverence for life and involving a redirection from military to human security.

The third and fourth parts address ideas and politics with comments on specific countries and their policies. Gorbachev is concerned about the current wave populism and the decline of democracy with a return of authoritarian regimes as a reaction to insecurity and declining standards of living. He feels that the left has not paid sufficient attention to the issues concerning ordinary people and has become too absorbed in sociocultural and identity issues – and that it needs a new intellectual and political basis. He sets out his own views in a chapter asking if politics and morals can be reconciled, stressing the need for 'transparent governance, true accountability to the people on the part of the powerful, freedom and the sense of responsibility in the mass media.' (p. 64) His thoughts are worth serious consideration, and he agrees with the Dalai Lama that universal values, respect for the individual, for human dignity - 'all of this must become an integral component of world politics and international relations.'

Gorbachev clearly writes from his Russian background, which is illuminating for Westerners, for instance in the West's triumphalism after the fall of the Soviet Union and the strategic error of the 2003 Iraq war in a climate where the US sought dominance rather than partnership, as reflected in his many conversations with the US leadership. As he points out, a multipolar world is already a reality. In Europe, he stresses the need for a dialogue between equals and consideration for Russian interests that have frequently being disregarded, for example in the expansion of NATO and the partnership with Ukraine. His remarks on China err on the side of the over-diplomatic, while he has wise advice on the Middle East and Western relationships with Islam, highlighting the real conflict between civilisation and barbarity as well as a warning against threats to cultural identity. He does not think that democracy can be imposed from the outside but requires a re-establishment of trust, also with respect to the media. He sees encouraging signs in the work of global civil society, also calling for the democratisation of international organisations rather than their control by insiders. He warns Russia against an overemphasis on centralised executive power at the expense of their regions and states that future stability must be based on democratic principles and dialogue rather than coercion.

It seems to me that the breakdown of trust and the accompanying fomenting of violence is one of the key underlying issues to address and that this can only be achieved through agreeing ethical values supporting the common good, as the Dalai Lama also asserts in his book and interviews. He goes deeper by arguing for an education of the heart and training of the mind as well as specific environmental education. He points out that our modern education systems are oriented mainly towards material development, paying little attention to inner values. The starting point for both men is oneness and interconnectedness and hence the common good, extending to an ethic of nonviolence and establishing a new balance between economy and ecology. For him, this means becoming 'wise-selfish' rather than 'foolish-selfish', and he also observes that the Buddhist idea of rebirth provides a new perspective on the need for environmental protection. It is shocking to learn the extent of Chinese environmental destruction of Tibet, involving cutting 85% of their forests and changing the climate in the process.

Both of these books provide a profound analysis of many of our existing challenges, about the question always remains: how does a transition to a new system take place? At the moment, the immediate and well-publicised proposal is the WEF Great Reset that is basically a recipe for more centralised corporate control when we need to create the enabling conditions for thriving holistic local communities based on self-organisation and mutual support. The mechanistic mindset is devoid of love and compassion and has cut itself off from any real understanding of natural processes, natural food and natural health, which includes healing and regeneration. Perhaps Peter Spiegel's idea of WeQ and a we-economy can potentially give us a new framework to transform our goals and institutions 'towards a more humane economy based on greater mindfulness, empathy, nonviolence, truthfulness, transparency and responsibility.' The principles for a new consciousness and culture have already been established, and these two prophetic books are important contributions in this respect, but we all have a shared responsibility in our own spheres of influence to initiate the necessary conversations and actions. You could do worse than read, discuss and publicise the important ideas in these two books….